Das gegenhegemoniale Moment der Demokratie - Gegenhegemoniale Projekte und demokratische Demokratie am Fallbeispiel der grünen Bewegung

Soziale Bewegungen sind darauf ausgerichtet, die jeweils bestehende soziale Ordnung verändern zu wollen. Als gegenhegemoniale Projekte formulieren sie sichtbare Alternativen zur aktuell vorherrschenden Ordnung und machen so die Kontingenz der sozialen Ordnung öffentlich greifbar. Dabei sind viele gegenhegemoniale Projekte eng mit dem demokratischen Diskurs verbunden, da sie sich in ihrer Protestpraxis mit Hilfe demokratischer Begriffe, Symbole und Praxen artikulieren, um so ihre Forderungen legitimieren. Durch diese fortwährende Re-Artikulation demokratischer Diskurselemente und die mit gegenhegemonialer Praxis einher gehende explizite Sichtbarkeit politischer Alternativen wird der demokratische Diskurs als Ganzes gestärkt. In diesem Sinne sind gegenhegemoniale Projekte eine zentrale revitalisierende Instanz für Demokratie, sodass der Erfolg sozialer Bewegungen als analytisches Kriterium zur Bewertung des demokratischen Status einer Demokratie dienen kann. Die vorliegende Dissertation entwickelt ausgehend von der Hegemonietheorie von Laclau und Mouffe ein Modell von Demokratie als eine spezifische Konstellation verschachtelter diskursiver Hegemonien und gegenhegemonialer Projekte. Über den Begriff des gegenhegemonialen Projekts wird untersucht, durch welche strategischen Bedingungen gegenhegemoniale Projekte gekennzeichnet sind und wie diese Bedingungen mit Hilfe eines komplexen sozialtheoretischen Analysemodells systematisch erfasst werden können. Abschließend wird das entwickelte Analyseraster auf das Fallbeispiel der grünen Bewegung angewandt.
In the 1970s, the green movement spread within the shortest possible time the idea of an existential threat to nature and civilization through the industrial society. The green movement articulated the idea of a democratic, sustainable alternative society. Some decades later, the viewer showed a paradoxical-sounding image. On the one hand, environmental protection is all the rage and can be considered as a social consensus. On the other hand, the basic logic of the social order has not significantly changed - growth, material prosperity and industrial production oriented principles are still dominating. Thus, the consequences of the green movement seem ambivalent: significant social change dynamics were initiated and at the same time the insistence and the continued dominance of the industrial social order can be observed. The example of the green movement leads to the question of which social dynamics of change – especially through social movements – are possible and how the ratio of social continuity and change can be thought and understood. To investigate these phenomena, this PhD thesis reconstructes by the help of the hegemony theory of Laclau and Mouffe a discursive model of the social. The discourse and hegemony theoretical approach is particularly sensitive to questions of forming discursive orders and and dynamic change. Via the concept of hegemony a dynamic phenomenon of discursive dominance is made comprehensible as it is for example the industrial society principle. Democracy represents a so-called horizon a special form of hegemony - she's so widely accepted and uncontroversial that a beyond of democracy is often unthinking and speakable. At the same time the horizon democracy remains open how the concrete social order of democracy is designed. Accordingly, democracy becomes a field for the struggle of subordinated hegemomies for the concretisation of democracy. There are those subordinated hegemonies, which - such as the liberal-representative understanding of democracy or the industrial society principle - concretise the horizon in detail. Some of these concretising hegemonies establish temporarily a certain dominance, so that the difference, for example, between democracy and liberal representative democracy comes from the view. As so-called dominant formations they shape decisively the concrete and dominant social order of a society. Social movements such as the green movement are aimed at changing and overcome the dominant social order of a society. They formulate an idea of alternative social order and simultaneously deconstruct the existing order (which is strongly influenced by dominant formations). In this respect, all those hegemonic projects can be seen as counter-hegemonic projects, which are characterized by an explicit and offensive incongruity to currently dominant concretisations the democratic horizon. It is believed that counter-hegemonic projects are decisive factors for significant discursive dynamics of change due to their specific strategic constellation. Also for the question of democratic democracy counter-hegemonic projects are essential. From a discourse and hegemony theory perspective no single idea of social order can claim to be a normative order better than others. Therefore, it is problematic if overly dominant hegemonies cover the basically contingent nature of the social order. Democracy is then democratically from this perspective, if the processes of the struggle for the identity of a community become apparent repeatedly and at the same time are open to all groups. In the context of democratic communities the special mode of discursive competition for the self- construction of a collective identity is interested. Counter-hegemonic projects such as the green movement calling the existing order vissible into question and make alternative orders conceivable. Therefore, it is argued in this paper that the strategic conditions of counter-hegemonic projects are crucial to the democratic nature of a social order. Now the horizon democracy is much shaped by the fact that it is made concrete by dominant formations such as the liberal representative democracy or of the industrial society principle. These dominant formations are designed to make their own, contingent idea of social order appear as natural. Here we find again the principle of social continuity described above. The principle of social continuity face other discursive elements that abut the dynamics of change over again. Good examples are the human rights or the above-mentioned green movement. Both phenomena break existing hegemonic formations on and make alternatives visible: Human rights as idea of the inalienable right for all subjects to the legitimate questioning of existing orders. The green movement as a vissible critic of the dominant industrial social order and a demand of an alternative order. As a discursive phenomena that arise explicitly and offensively against established dominant formations, they can be called as counter-hegemonic moment of democracy. The examples suggests that there is a particularly large and effective counter-hegemonic moment in democratic discourse and therefore the disruption of hegemonic formations is more likely than in other communities: democratic orders are from this perspective more often in the (democratic) mode of open and evident self-construction of the social – so in a discursive constellation in which openness is guaranteed for the collective democratic self-construction in which the constructed nature of social order through the regular articulation of demands for alternative systems is evident repeatedly. The above formulated background of fundamental interest for discursive dynamics of change is thus specified to that effect, that those projects and discursive conditions are taken a closer look at that are created as a counter-hegemonic projects on the effect of the dynamics of change or as counter-hegemonic moment of democracy to allow those very projects. Thus, a substantive focus is obtained for this study on the triangular relationship between discursive dynamics of change, democratic discourse and counter-hegemonic projects. Counter-hegemonic projects serve as an analytical starting point. They are primarily designed to overcome existing dominant orders. Given this negative reference to dominant principles of a social order counter-hegemonic projects are per se characterized by a precarious strategic status. The aim of the present study is the analysis of the strategic conditions counter-hegemonic projects - their characteristics, their historical-discursive embeddings, typical dynamics of development and opportunities for success. The first section developes on the basis of discourse and hegemony theory the knowledge-constitutive model of strategic counter-hegemonic projects. All other reasoning steps apply to this model, concrete or develop it further. However, the theoretical model developed above is not sufficient for the analysis of complex discursive phenomenon counter-hegemonic projects. In the second section the contingent discursive-historical development of democratic communities is therefore reconstructed and incorporated. Above all, I'm interested in the counter-hegemonic projects in democratic communities as a subject of analysis. The aim of this step is therefore to develop a model that makes the specific conditions of democratic counter-hegemonic projects as closely as possible to grasp. In the third section with the green movement a first case study is examined. Objective is primarily the concretisation and development of the model. The results of the case study are finally transferred to the analytical model of democratic counter-hegemonic projects – developing the model and not least discussing on this basis prospects of further investigations.


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